Inclusive Education In Malaysia

Inclusive Education In Malaysia Malaysias move toward inclusion was given impetus by its participation in workshops and conferences set up under the auspices of the United Nations. Inclusive education was introduced in the Education Act (1998) as part of the continuum of services available for children with special needs. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the interpretation of policy pertaining to inclusion, its contradictions and its translation into practice within the Malaysian context; and to share experiences on how the national context explains and constrains inclusive practices. This paper also reviews the extent inclusion has brought benefits to children with special needs and their families; as well as examine the problematic issues associated with the interpretation and implementation of inclusive practices at community and school levels. Introduction In line with the global trend toward inclusive education, Malaysia officially began its efforts to include students with special needs in mainstream education through its involvement in workshops and activities initiated by the United Nations (UN) and United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). Standards of several UN policies affirm the right of all children to equal education without discrimination within the mainstream education system. These include the UN Convention on the rights of the Child (1989), the UN Standard Rules on the Equalisation of Opportunities for Persons with Disabilities (1993), the UNESCO Salamanca Statement (1994) and the UNESCAP Biwako Millennium Framework (2002). The Salamanca Statement on Principles, Policy and Practice in Special Needs Education (UNESCO 1994) has stressed the importance to develop national capacities for policymaking and systems management in support of inclusive education and the need to address equal educati onal opportunity and access to all children including those with special educational needs. Subsequently, inclusive education was introduced in the Malaysian Education Act 1996 (1998) together with provisions for children with learning difficulties. Although huge strides have been taken in the provisions and allocations for special needs education in Malaysia, inclusive education seems elusive to many children who need it. The purpose of this article is to examine and analyse the current policy and practices pertaining to inclusive education within the parallel system of general and special education, and to share experiences on how the national context explains and constrains inclusive practices. Concepts and principles in inclusive education will be discussed against the backdrop of Malaysian general education system and school culture. Inclusive education in Malaysia originated from the special education agenda as defined in the Education Act 1996 (1998) and its approach is referred to this tradition. The discussion begins with an introduction to the development of special needs education as a discipline and as a profession in Malaysia, and its influence on the development of policy and practice toward inclusive education. The Evolutionary Phases of Special Needs Education The history of special needs education in Malaysia parallels developments seen in other helping professions in developing countries worldwide (Azuma, 1984). Foreign experts are initially relied upon to provide the knowledge and to encourage its development prior to the emergence of a profession within a country. The first professionals to provide services are usually trained abroad. The second stage followed this first stage, in which colleges and universities established programs and departments to teach the discipline and prepare the professionals. The second stage leads to the third stage, in which colleges and universities import developed from abroad to achieve standards that characterised the discipline in more developed nations. During this stage, the concepts, theories and models of implementation found in the more developed countries are taught, applied and tested; some of which may transfer more successfully than others. The fourth stage sees research initiated in the country to develop the concepts, theories and practices and technologies essential to enhance practice. The fifth and last stage is reached when this new body of knowledge developed in one country is integrated into the larger body of knowledge available internationally. As professions and disciplines of knowledge evolve from one stage to the next, they gain strength and improve qualities associated with the earlier stages of the development. Malaysia embarked on the first stage when the first school for the blind was opened in 1929, followed by a school for the deaf very much later in 1954. These schools were initiated under the programs of the Ministry of Social Welfare with the help of religious missionaries. Malaysia entered its second stage when professional preparation programs for special education were formally established by the Ministry of Education in 1961. Lacking its own expertise and technology, Malaysia entered its third stage when it began importing knowledge and expertise by sending its education professionals abroad for research degrees and in-service attachments in special needs education in the 1980s and 1990s, and attempting to customize what was learned to its national conditions. Malaysias participation in international workshops and activities of the UN and UNESCO and subsequent reforms as reflected in the Education Act (1998) describes the active development of policy and changes in practices duri ng this period. In 1993, the first preservice teacher preparation leading to a Bachelor of Education degree program in special needs education was initiated in Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. The program was developed alongside a collaborative project in curriculum development with three universities in the United Kingdom, namely, the Universities of Manchester, Birmingham and Cambridge (Jelas, 1996; 1999). Special needs education in Malaysia is currently in its fourth stage with research being initiated in the local universities with funding from the government to indigenise special needs education as a discipline. The establishment of research degree programs in special needs education has generated interest among students and academics and attempts to integrate local knowledge with the larger body of knowledge internationally have started (Jelas, 1996, 1999, 2000; Azman et al., 2003; Ali et al, 2006). Development of policy: A force for or against inclusion Education for children and youth with special needs is provided for by two government agencies: The Ministry of Education (MOE) and the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development (MWFCD). The MWFCD through its Welfare Department, provides learning and skills training services for children and youths with i) severe physical disabilities, ii) severe and profound intellectual disabilities; and iii) multiple disabilities. These learning and skills training services are implemented in collaboration with non-governmental bodies and community-based rehabilitation centres. The Special Education Department of the MOE is responsible for coordinating all special educations programmes in the regular schools and the administration of all special education schools which cater only to students with hearing and visual impairments. Children who are identified with i) downs syndrome, ii) mild autism, iii) developmental delays, iv) attention deficit hyperactivity disorders, and v) specific learning disabilities, are placed in self-contained special classes in the Learning Disability Programmes in regular schools. The terms special needs introduced in the Education Act 1996 (1998) are defined as follows: Pupils with special needs means pupils with visual impairment or hearing impairment or with learning disabilities And inclusive education is introduced as part of the continuum of services available for children with special needs: Special education programme means A programme which is provided in special schools for pupils with visual impairment or hearing impairment; An integrated programme in general schools for pupils with visual impairment or hearing impairment or with learning disabilities; and An inclusive education programme for pupils with special needs and who are able to attend normal classes together with normal pupils (Education Act 1996, 1998, p. 341) However, the eligibility for special education placement is based on the educability of children as assessed by a team of professionals. This is documented in the Act, which states: (1) For government and government-aided schools, pupils with special needs who are educable are eligible to attend the special education programme except for the following pupils: physically handicapped pupils with the mental ability to learn like normal pupils; and pupils with multiple disabilities or with profound physical handicap or severe mental retardation. A pupil with special needs is educable if he is able to manage himself without help and is confirmed by a panel consisting of a medical practitioner, an officer from the MOE and an officer from the Welfare Department of the MWFCD, as capable of undergoing the national educational programme (Education Act 1996, 1998, p. 342) The eligibility dilemma A number of issues and contradictions arise when we analyse policies that explicitly state a criterion for eligibility. While the current public policy for children with special educational needs, particularly those categories of children classified as experiencing learning disabilities have access to regular schools as stated in the Act, the educability criteria contradicts the goals of providing equal education opportunities as stipulated in the United Nations Standard Rules on the Equalisation of Opportunities for Persons with Disabilities (1993), The Salamanca Statement (1994) and the Biwako Millenium Framework for Action (UNESCAP, 2002). These mandates are intended to promote equal rights and access to education for persons with disabilities. The educability criterion assumes that there are children who are uneducable within the public school system and thus these children are catered to within community-based rehabilitation (CBR) settings (MOE, 2006). CBR programmes are government-initiated, centre-based programmes at the community level aimed to provide education that emphasises therapy and rehabilitation to children with learning disabilities (Kuno, 2007). CBR programmes are quite detached from the mainstream school system. However, in practice, the division between both provisions is less definite, and students who should benefit from them become victims of bureaucratic procedures (Adnan Hafiz, 2001). The true meaning of equal rights and access is still evolving in the Malaysian context, as policy makers and the schools put into practice their interpretation of what they perceive those rights to be. Deciding on who does or does not have a special educational need, or who is educable and who is not poses a major problem. Before special programmes were available, students with special needs were described by their characteristics and by the instructional challenges they presented to teachers. When the education system began to respond to the needs of each emerging group of special needs students, services were established and eligibility criteria determined. From that point on, a child was identified (for school and placement purposes) as having or experiencing a special educational need and if he or she is able to manage him or herself without help (Education Act 1996, 1998), the child will be eligible for a given programme or service. This process was repeated as each new group of special needs students emerged for example, children with visual and hearing impairments in the 1960s, children with mild intellectual in the 1980s and 1990s, and more recently, children with attentio n deficit hyperactivity disorders and children with dyslexia. Thus it is regulated in the Education Act 1996 (1998) that the perspectives of professionals (a medical practitioner, an officer from the MOE and an officer from the Welfare Department of the MWFCD p. 342) have the most power in determining the way children are categorised and whether these children are capable of undergoing the national educational programme (Education Act 1996, 1998). In this context, policy makers and professionals continue to see special schools and classes as well as categories as having an important place in provisions. Responses at the Ministerial level revealed an emphasis on diversity and acceptance of human characteristics as problematic and that learning difficulties are technical problems that require specialised discipline knowledge that cannot be dealt with in the normal classes with normal children (Education Act 1996, 1998 p. 341). In this context, the MOE sees segregation as the right to be educated in a separate environment from the mainstream and i nclusion is implemented on the principle that integrate and include children with special needs where possible, and retain the right to segregate where necessary (Booth Ainscow, 1998). Within the Malaysian context, the belief that the child must be educable to be educated reflects a rigid and narrow interpretation of the concept of inclusion. The requirement reinforced what Peters (2004) referred to as the continuum of placements paradigm; where inclusion is conceptualised as a place that one needs to be eligible and not as a service delivered. Such a narrow and limited interpretation results in the exclusion of SEN students from within the school system. Jelas (2000a) summarised the interpretation of the process of inclusion in the Malaysian context in Figure 1. INCLUSION: MEETING OUR COMMITMENTS Salamanca Statement 1994 Malaysian Education Act 1996 Responses to human diversity Responses to categories Commitment to change Commitment to existing demands Rejection of medical model of disability Coexistence of medical social model perubatan sosial Equity PROCESS OF INCLUSION Educability PROCESS OF EXCLUSION Figure 1. Inclusion: Its interpretaion in the Malaysian context Rationalising exclusion While the literature on inclusive education would be in agreement over the basic philosophical stance of inclusion as it relates to issues of social justice and equity of educational opportunities, its interpretation and translation into practice remains unclear in Malaysia. The National Report on the development of education states: Inclusion in Malaysia subscribed to the concept of placing SEN students into mainstream classes to be educated alongside their peers, either with or without additional support, and within the present school system. This concept of IE (inclusive education) might not be in line with the ideal concept based on acceptance, belonging and about providing school settings in which all disadvantaged children can be valued equally and be provided with equal educational opportunities à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ (MOE, 2004, p. 28), While the philosophical basis of including SEN students into mainstream schools is accepted as a policy, the continued legitimization of paradigms that exclude SEN students is also acknowledged by rationalising between the ideal and the not-so-ideal concept of inclusive education. This ambivalence is reinforced by the following statements: Prior to inclusion, especially in the early part of their formal education, SEN students are equipped with relevant basic skills and knowledge to enable them to cope with mainstream learning. Only those who are diagnosed capable to cope with mainstream learning would be included fully or partially. (MOE, 2004, p. 29) The emphasis on the ability to cope with mainstream learning seemed consistent with the integration models that came about in the 1980s. Integration models mainly focused on placing students with mild disabilities, identified and diagnosed as having special needs in mainstream schools. In such models, students must adapt to the norms, expectations, styles, routines and practices of the education system instead of the education system adapting to the learner (UNESCO, 2008). The integrated programme is the dominant format for delivering services to special needs students in Malaysia, then and now. Students typically were referred to a medical practitioner to determine their eligibility and to confirm their disability, and if they met the eligibility criteria, they were placed in a special class in a regular school. Once placed, few special education students returned to the regular education class on full-time basis. Although the special classroom and special schools continued as optio ns, integrated programmes (placement in regular classrooms) for students with visual and hearing impairments are available with support from the resource teacher. Within this model, students were pulled out for part-time placement in resource rooms, or a special education teacher comes to the regular education classroom to provide remedial assistance to the student or to assist the classroom teacher. By the mid -1980s special education in the developed countries, specifically in the United States and United Kingdom, no longer relied on segregated special classes to serve students with SEN. Historically, the disenchantment of many special educators and the concern of the efficacy of the prevailing approach (Ainscow, 1994; Meyen Skrtic, 1995; Sorrells, Rieth Sindelar, 2004; Stainback Stainback, 1992) raised questions about how best to assure a quality and equitable education for students with disabilities and spawned the push for a more inclusive approach to special education programming. While these reforms were mandated in the United Nations Declarations and UNESCOs Framework of Actions on special needs education of which Malaysias policy on inclusive education subscribes to, the focus on diagnosis, prescription, and intervention continued to be central to determining eligibility and making placement decisions. Thus, although special education practices had changed, the ground ing assumptions of human pathology and organisational rationality (Biklen, 2000; Oliver, 1996; Skrtic, 1991) have not been critically examined. In this context, special education is used to maintain and legitimise exclusion of students with disabilities within a school culture and system characterised by competition and selection (Skrtic, 1995; Corbett, 1999; Slee, 2001; Kearney Kane, 2006). Inclusive education is seen as problematic; educators and policymakers have serious reservations about the widespread placement of SEN students in mainstream schools because systemic problems in the current provisions and school culture remain unresolved. Malaysia needs to recognise that integration models are not inclusion and that inclusive practices do not just mean placing SEN students into mainstream schools. The pathway to inclusion is fraught with foundational assumptions that support exclusionary processes and practices. Challenges in policy and practice Even though inclusive education was implemented at the policy level more than 10 years ago and school participation has rapidly increased quantitatively, Malaysia is far from reaching its goal of providing a responsive education path for every child and youth with SEN (MOE, 2004). Policy statements and procedural processes and requirements that are seen as safeguarding the normality of the school population (Slee, 1996, p. 25), and that which rest on the basic philosophy of exclusion and segregation as the best way to educate students with disabilities will obviously make inclusion efforts very difficult and counterproductive. There is a need to formulate policies to ensure that segregation is not practiced within the education system. The barriers created by the current policies may have many sources but three of the most critical are: (1) the non-acceptance that all children can learn; (2) the need for a reconceptualisation of special educational needs; and (3) the culture of eliti sm. The acceptance that all children can learn and have a right to education Malaysians in general and educators specifically need to acknowledge that inclusive education is part of the human rights agenda that argues that all children, irrespective of their characteristics, can learn and have access to education. Although special education is seen as a right and as an access to education, school exclusion of children who do not meet the eligibility criteria is made legal and therefore, not the responsibility of the MOE. Labeling children who do not meet the criteria for placement in schools as uneducable and denying them the opportunity to education would be an irony of the education system. Under these circumstances, they are the ones that have the greatest need for education, are the least likely to receive it. Further, denying these children of the opportunity to learn within the public school system is a violation of the childs basic rights (United Nations, 1989; United Nations, 1993). The question of whether all children with disabilities have an unqual ified right to the education system must be addressed. Opportunities for schooling should be extended to all disabled children without specifying any eligibility criteria; the MOE needs to implement a paradigm shift from a charity-based approach to the development of persons with disabilities and to accept responsibility for education for all children. In principle, Malaysia is committed to providing education for all with the implementation of compulsory education in 2003 as evident by a high participation rate of 98.49 per cent (MOE, 2004). This statement of intent towards compulsory education for all which was an amendment of the Education Act 1996, however, did not include children with disabilities: The MOE has reviewed the Education Act 1996 that regulates the provision of preschool, primary and secondary education. The review was to enable the implementation of compulsory education at primary school level. In 2002, the Education Act 1996 was amended and the compulsory education took effect in 2003. This policy ensures that every child in Malaysia beginning at age six, regardless of sex, social and economic background, and residential locality has the right to primary education. Accordingly, every Malaysian parent must ensure that their child has access to primary education when the child reaches the age of six or on the first day of the current school year when the child would be six years old. (MOE, 2004, p.4) International mandates have declared that education is a basic right for all children and have called for the inclusion of all children in primary education by 2015 (UNESCAP, 2002). Malaysia needs to include disability dimensions in all new and existing laws, policy plans, programmes and schemes. In this context, we need to strengthen our national capacity in data collection and analysis concerning disability statistics to support policy formulation and programme implementation. The exclusion of children and youth with disabilities from the broader framework of education results in their being deprived from further opportunities, thereby diminishing their access to vocational training, employment, and preventing them from achieving economic and social independence. This increases their vulnerability to marginalisation in what can become a self-perpetuating, inter-generational cycle. Conceptualisation of special educational needs The current interpretation of special educational needs in Malaysia emanates from a traditional special education framework and knowledge base that emphasise the pathological/medical model of special needs (Skrtic, 1991). The continued emphasis on explaining educational difficulties in terms of child-centered characteristics has the effect of preventing progress in creating policies and provisions for SEN students. Dyson (1990) aptly summarises the argument by saying: The fact remains that the education system as a whole, and the vast majority of institutions and teachers within it, are approaching the twenty-first century with a view of special needs the same as that with which their counterparts approached the present century. That view, for all its avowed concern for the individual child, promotes injustice on a massive scale. It demands to be changed (Dyson, 1990, p. 60-1) The radical perspective that leads to a reconceptualisation of special educational needs have been well documented for the past twenty years (Barton, 1988; Lipsky Gartner, 1989; Ainscow, 1991; Fuchs Fuchs, 1994; Clark et. al., 1998; Donoghue, 2003) and critiques argued and showed evidence how the education system creates rather than remediate disabilities (Skrtic, 1991; Corbett, 1999; Vlachou, 2004; Carrington Robinson, 2006). The new perspective on special educational needs is based on the view that the way forward must be to reform schools in ways that will make them respond positively to pupil diversity, seeing individual differences as something to be nurtured. But, as cautioned by Ainscow (1994): This kind of approach is only possible in schools where there exist a respect for individuality and a culture of collaboration that encourages and supports problem-solving. Such cultures are likely to facilitate the learning of all pupils and, alongside them, the professional learning of all teachers. Ultimately, therefore, this line of argument makes the case that increasing equity is the key to improvements in schooling for all. (Ainscow, 1994, p12) The assessment of the characteristics of the child and the childs total environment call for methods of assessment that build on the positive qualities while recognising areas of weaknesses. The interactionist perspective (Cline, 1992) adopts an ecological approach which recognises that features of the learning context, such as the curriculum, the teaching process, the management of the classroom and other variables are essential factors that influence learning. By accepting the interactionist approach to special needs, Malaysian educators would be able to look at the learning needs of students and how school policies, culture and practices enable or disable, not only students with disabilities, but all students. In identifying educational needs, Noddings (2005) emphasises that it is crucial for educators to balance the inferred needs and the expressed needs of all students, in saying that by ignoring expressed needs, we sacrifice opportunities to develop individual talents, intrinsi c motivation, and the joys of learning (p 147). The human side of education is more than just an ethics of justice issue but an ethics of care which is needs-based. This is of particular importance because it is this grounding principle of care that creates understandings, values, and beliefs that formulate policies and subsequently the practices. The culture of elitism Education in Malaysia is driven largely by an examination-oriented system characterised by curriculum rigidity and rote learning rather than critical and independent thinking. Like schools in Singapore and Hong Kong (Poon-McBrayer, 2004), school leadership are in great pressure to compete for the best examination results in terms of the percentages of passes and the number of As acquired by students in public school examinations. The competitiveness has resulted in students to enroll as many subjects they can in the Malaysian Certificate of Education with the expectations of getting the highest number of As as possible. The culture of elitism compels parents to prepare their children to be accepted into high ranking or fully residential schools which usually achieve high scores in examination results. The introduction of the Tuition Voucher Scheme (MOE, 2004) for students in Year 4, 5 and 6 with poor academic performance exemplifies the need for students to perform academically in the Year 6 Open Certification Examinations. Within the School Cluster Program (MOE, 2007), schools are encouraged to compete to strive for excellence and to be a cluster school that promises, among others, a special status. To be eligible for selection, schools need to fulfill two requirements: (1) certified excellent by the Malaysian Education Quality Standards and (2) three continuous years of excellent examination results at the Primary School Assessment, the Lower Secondary School Assessment and the end of school Open Certificate Examination. Although the intertwining of the standards and inclusion agenda can lead to p ositive consequences (Ainscow et al, 2006), the emphasis on the preparation and drill for the public examinations therefore, left little or no time for teachers to accommodate individual learning needs of students in general. Media reports on schools and students performance intensify competition and further marginalise SEN students, who, to a large extent are not expected to compete. Competing priorities make it more difficult for schools to fully include children with SEN. Conclusion Opportunities for change The Malaysian approach to inclusive education this far has been intertwined and limited to the domain of special needs education. The conception of policy provides the basis for analysing policy implications in relation to critical issues. In this paper it is argued that the current policy and practice toward inclusive education for SEN students are exclusionary and discriminatory. The concept of educability as an eligibility requirement for educational placement is a major issue that needs to be reviewed. Continued advancement of special needs education in Malaysia will require bifocal perspectives. One focus has an international perspective and requires Malaysians awareness of the international body of literature and trends in practice that enables them to take advantage of the knowledge and experience gained by those in other countries. Malaysia may also profit especially from knowledge provided by its Asian neighbours namely Japan, India and China, or other countries that seems to be struggling with many of the same issues. However, effective special needs education services require awareness of social and educational traditions, social philosophies that manifest in schooling and school culture and ways of resolving conflict that may be unique to one country and the impact these qualities have on general and special needs education services (Peters, 2003). The second perspective, thus, takes a more narrow view, one that enables the evolution of special needs education services that reflect the needs and characteristics of Malaysians. The first perspective may identify as viable goals the extension of services to students with learning difficulties, inclusion, garnering additional political support for special needs education through parent advocacy and supporting the further employment of people with disabilities. However, a more narrow focus on issues directly important to Malaysia is likely to clarify more viable future directions for students with disabilities in Malaysia. Further initiatives critical to Azumas (1984) Stage 5 will require considerable research and policy debate among Malaysians.

Reminders of Love Lost in Wraith of the Rose :: Wraith of the Rose Essays

Reminders of Love Lost in Wraith of the Rose Everyone has been hurt by loves sweet embrace. The memories that are left behind can haunt us everyday. The music, dreams, smells, a name, or a rose can strike up memories of ones love lost. But when love leaves you alone, the memories and the ghosts of love are never gone. There is always something to trigger thoughs memories bad or good. Something that needs to be known about the poem is that it was written impromptu in a visiting card. The Wraith of the Rose by Frances Sargent Locke Osgood is a poem of how a ghost of a rose reminds her of a life that she loved. The word wraith means; 1) the ghost of a dead person (or a dead rose) or 2) something shadowy and insubstantial. The line near the beginning of the poem "Long since Love's rose, it's perfume, shed," shows how that Love's rose is long since died. The fragrant aroma and its pedals are gone. Nothing that can be touched the rose is nothing but a memory. She has focused on a rose that reminds her of Love. By reading this poem closely the word LOVE in the poem is a persons name. In both lines of the poem Love is capitalized which leads the reader to assume it is someone's name. Like in the line above how it is written that "Love's rose," this leads me to understand that she is identifying the rose that was given to her by someone named Love. This is one of the main ways that the author remembers Love is by the rose that was given to her by him. The main line that directs the poems feelings is "The wraith of Love's sweet Rose is here, It haunts me everywhere! ". The ghost of "Love's sweet rose" is in my life and mind. The ghost of that rose is in my presents and is with her everywhere she goes. Osgood wishes that she kept the rose to remind her of Love's life. All that she has to hold onto is the memory (ghost) of that lovely rose that was given to her by Love. The rose was the last found token that was given to her by Love.

How does Golding present his characters in the opening chapter? Essay

Ralph is the first character to be introduced; he is introduced as being ‘the boy with fair hair’. Here Golding has played with the idea of Hitlers ideal, fair hair, blue eyes, etc. to show that Ralph has a seemingly perfect physique. His fair hair also shows that Ralph is a seemingly good character, because the idea of his hair being light in color contrasts any boy who has dark hair. This is a very conventional way of representing characters which is used due to the time in which Golding was writing; nowadays writers would try to stray away from this idea. One of the first actions which Ralph performs is to pull up his socks; this symbolizes the idea that he still retains the rules and regulations of being in a school environment. When Piggy places his trust in Ralph, Ralph uses this to gain the respect and friendship of Jack. This suggests, along with him being voted as chief and the way he handles Piggy when he confronts him about his nickname, that he is the politician of the group. Ralph is quite immature in the way he expresses joy, standing on his head, which suggests that he is not the most adequate leader. He is also not as intelligent as Piggy and without Piggys help with the Conch he could have never become Chief. Piggy is introduced as ‘it’ then the ‘voice’ and then ‘fat boy’. His physical body is also unattractive he is the fat boy or ‘Fatty’. He is introduced this way so that we immediately dislike him, and take the side of the other boys who bully him. Later on in the chapter we realize Piggys importance, he is always right, so when Ralph suggests they will be rescued soon and Piggy believes that they won’t, we know that they will not be rescued soon. Although we know that the ridiculing of Piggy is a natural thing for boys to do we still blame the boys for doing it as we believe we would not do the same. When Piggy meets with Ralph Piggy immediately offers Ralph friendship by asking his name, but Ralph rejects Piggy because of his appearance, as we would expect. But Piggy continues to place trust in Ralph as he does not want to be the social misfit which he is used to being, as suggested by his continual mentioning of his Auntie which suggests a sheltered home life. He places his trust in Ralph by firstly telling him his nick name and secondly by exposing himself to Ralph. As revenge Piggy does all that he can, he with holds his vote for Ralph for a short period when the vote for chief is occurring. This expresses his anger. Piggy asks everybody’s name as it gives him some security and allows him to enter a social group, but only the younger children tell him their names as they do not see him with the same prejudice and so look up to him as a ‘bigger boy’. But when Jack arrives Piggy is intimidated, because of Jack’s appearance and authority. He shows this by cowering behind Ralph, which also expresses his respect and trust in Ralph. Jack is introduced as â€Å"the boy who controlled them†. Jack looks smart and impressive and so Ralph wants to become his friend. When Jack informs us of his name he tells the group that he wishes to be called Merridew. This is because this is the name which he has been called at school and been held in high regard allowing him to have authority, but what he does not yet realize is that his ‘title’ means nothing now. Ralph on the other hand is happy with his identity and so doesn’t mind being called Ralph. Jack is a stereotypical bully which explains why Ralph is intimidated by him. He shouts, orders, and is usually aggressive. Jack is used to being in control and so when he joins the group he automatically tries to take control. However when it comes to the vote, only the people in the choir who still respect his authority, unwillingly vote for him. When Ralph is voted to be chief, Jack is mortified, but Ralph realizes that Jack could be a powerful ally and so consoles him by offering the title of Hunter. This gives Jack some authority outside of the choir and gives him the chance to undermine everything which Ralph says.

Biology Microarray Lab report Essay

The analysis of DNA using the microarray technique has become one of the most significant methods in the area of research genetics. This technique falls under the area of gene expression profiling. Most of the time, this procedure is applied by scientists in the effort to investigate a wide range of conditions. This is because experimental procedures cam be performed on numerous genes at the same time. They include researches on cancer to finding numerous solutions to the problems that are presented by pests. With this advancement an opportunity has been offered for the performance of personal DNA microarray experiments. Among the basis of such experiments is the determination between healthy cells and the cancer cells. Based on the complexity of the microarray experiments, it is vital that all scientists obtain a solid understanding on the DNA basics as well as the way through which genes express themselves. DNA microarrays have been used in the extensive survey of the relative transcription in any gene within a genome. Most of the cancer cells in human beings are found within the developing nerves. Howevber, they do not allow the complete quantification level of gene expression. Moreover, the DNA chips do not make it possible to determine the amount of mRNA produced from a relative sample with that produced from the control population. As such, it can be used to compare the rate of gene expression in a lung cell with cancer and a helthy lung cell. Therefore, the main goal of this practival test is to ptovide a way to understand how microarrays are used tostudy the gene expressions. It allows the investigators to determine the level of gene activity for a complete gene. As such, they make it easier to diagnose various diseases that injmclude cancer. Two main steps will be involved in the performance of the microarray lab experiments. These include the prehybridization and the hybridization steps. These are conducted through a number of 7 mini steps. They will involve the collection of the tissue or sample, the isolation of the RNA, isolation of the mRNA, creation of a labelled DNA copy, application off DNA, scanning of a microarray and the analysis of data (Campbell et al., 333). Different pH indicators that are colorless at neutral and colored at high pH of above 10 will be applied. They will be mixed with molten Agarose; this includes Madison, Promega, WI and V312A. It will later be allowed to cool. They could also be placed in a hot bath of 650 and kept molten. They will be melted if to be used days later. Pipettes will be used to apply the DNA onto the slides. Collection of mRNA The plate will be incubated for 5 minutes to allow for the release of mRNA. It will then pipetted in a Tri reagent for extraction. 80 uL of chloroform will subsequently be added and shaken vigorously then centrifuged to separate the cells into layers. 2 ml isopropanol will be added, the mixture centrifuged and the supernatant poured off. After this, the preparation of the RNA for spec by will be done by adding Agarose gel. The pre-hybridization steps will involve the preparation of stocks and obtaining of the microarray slide and steaming it on a hot plate for between 30 seconds and 1 minute. It will then be cooled at room temperature. It is important to warm the solution in case there are any crystals. The two slides can then be treated back to back and dipped in distilled water severally; it will be dried and spun for 2-3 minutes in a centrifuge. The slide is then hybridized by placing in a clean 50ml tube in a heated incubator. A coverslip is prepared by dipping into 0.2%SDS, then water. Blot, dry and continue to the hybridization step (Campbell et al., 338). Hybridization It includes the hybridization of the DNA chip using 3DNA array 350 protocol. Chips containing 70mer oligos and 2 copies of the known cDNAs in the human genome are used. This should be done at least 24 hours before the experiment. Make the solution only when it is ready for use. It is mainly 0.1M NaOH. The first step includes thawing vial at 7.2X. Make the hybridization solution with 50 ul total to fit across the cover slip. Incubate it at 800 for ten minutes. The entire 58 ul is then transferred on the microarray and the short edge of the cover slip placed on the short edge of the slide, which is then transferred to a 50 ml tube. The arrays after washing 2 must be read immediately since the color of the chips goes bad quickly (Kushner 1-5). References Campbell, A., Malcolm, Zanta, A., Carolyn, Heyer, J. Laurie, Kittinger,Ben, Gabric, M.Kathleen and Adler, Leslie. DNA Microarray Wet Lab Simulation Brings Genomics intothe High School Curriculum. CBE Life Science Education. 2006 Winter; 5(4): 332–339. Kushner, B. David. DNA Microarrays in the Undergraduate Microbiology Lab: Experimentationand Handling Large Datasets in as Few as Six Weeks. Journal of microbiology andbiology education, 2007. Vol. 8 Source document

Designation of Phylum Cryptomycota Within Kingdom Fungi

Designation of phylum cryptomycota within kingdom fungi Introduction The cryptomycota are considered to be to be an early branching clade of organisms, the only known members are species that belong in the genus Rozella (Lara et al 2010, Jones et al 2011, James and Berbee 2012). It has been suggested due largely to the amount of environmental sequences collected the phylum may be as diverse as the whole kingdom fungi (Jones et al 2011).While Rozella were originally placed in the fungal phylum Chytridiomycota(Jones and Pang 2012), a multi-gene molecular phylogeny of the Chytridiomycota found Rozella was in fact part of a separate linage considered to be the most basal lineage within the fungal kingdom (James et al 2006). Analysis of environmental DNA samples based on the analysis of SSU RNA (small subunit ribosomal RNA genes)had revealed 26 sequences, previously unknown, which clustered closely to two species of Rozella included in the survey (Lara et al 2010).Lara et al tentatively n amed this clade ‘Rozedilla' (Lara et al 2010, Jones et al 2011). However this clade was expanded to include 40 sequences found in marine and freshwater environments. This clade was renamed cryptomycota to reflect the position of the group relative to the fungi and its mostly hidden nature, as a large number of the phylum are only known from SSU RNA environmental surveys and their similarity in morphology and life-cycle to the Rozella is unknown (Jones et al 2011).Cryptomycota cells from freshwater samples, most notably from the Washington Singer pond (Exeter University, Devon, UK, 50. 7339uN, 3. 5375uW), were visualised with fluorescence in situ hybridization techniques. These target cells were shown to be small eukaryotes 3 to 5 ? meters in length (Jones et al 2011). Counter-staining with TAT1 tubulin revealed The target cells capable of forming a microtubule based flagellum (see fig 1)(Jones et al 2011). Chitin was not found in any of the morphs observed, this was tested by co-staining with cell wall markers (calcofluor white and lectin wheat germ agglutinin).Cellulose was also not present (Jones et al 2011). FIG 1: Micrographs showing flagella on cryptomycota cells, as detected by TAT1 tubulin antibody(Jones et al 2011) This study led Jones et al to the conclusion that the Cryptomycota were an intermediate group between fungus and protists. Others such as James and Berbee contend that †they may have lost their â€Å"dinner jacket† through convergence. Rather than evolutionary intermediates, the cryptomycota may be strange, divergent fungi † (James and Berbee 2012).The term †dinner jackets† here refers to cell walls. Some such as Griffith, Voight and Kirk would not consider the phylum fungal, but a non fungal opisthkonta like the Microsporidia(2011). In this essay I intended to explore the evidence both for and against the inclusion of the phylum Cryptomycota in the kingdom fungi. To do this it is important to understand the characteristics and life-cycle of Cryptomycota and what makes an organism part of the kingdom fungi. Characteristics of CryptomycotaThe known Cryptomycota :Rozella is a genus of entirely parasitic species that infect the thalli and sporidia of Chytridiomycota , Blastocladiomycota and some species of Oomycota. Study of Rozella allomycis , the only cultured Rozella species has shown it does ,unlike Fungi, not process cell walls at any time during there trophic phases like Fungi however they exhibit a zoosporic uniflagilate stage in which they propagate(Jones and Pang 2012) . James and Berbee demonstrated that chitin is present in the inner cell wall of immature spores via calcofluor white staining(2012).Zoospores attach to receptors on the surface of its host ,penetrating its surface with a germ tube before developing a naked multinucleate sporangium (Jones and Pang 2012)It is theorised that the uptake of nutrients is via phagocytosis (Powell 1984), however this is not known to be true of all Rozella. Zoospores form inside the host before being explosive discharged from exit papillae(Jones and Pang 2012) . Jones et al's observation of Cryptomycota cells show a certain similarity to the life-cycle of Rozella.Three life stage cycles were observed (fig 2), a zoosporic uniflagelate morph ,a non-flagellate cyst morph and a parasitic morph where the organism is attached to a host diatom . Jones et al admit, however, that stages in the life-cycle are likely to have been missed in their study and due to the diversity of the Cryptomycota, the life-cycle is unlikely to represent the entirety of the group (2011). Chitin was not found in any of the stages observed (Jones et al 2011) FIG 2:Putative Cryptomycota skeleton life-cycle (Jones et al 2011)Are Cryptomycota fungi? The penguin dictionary of biology defines Fungi as a kingdom of eukaryotic primarilary acellular organisms typically organised into cylindrical hypha . Their nutrition is osmotrophic and never phagotrop hic . Hyphal walls are characterised by chitin and ? -glucans (2004). Cryptomycota differs greatly from this standard definition of a fungi by not processing a cell wall ,forming hyphae and is likely to be phagotrophic. There are other organisms that are included in the kingdom fungi that do not fit with these definitions .For example yeasts reproduce by budding and are not organised into hypha. Zoospores are a shared characteristic with zoosporic true fungi and in most phylogenies constructed Cryptomycota are basal to fungi. Information on the life cycle stages is incomplete , it is possible some examples of cryptomycota process a chitinous cell wall at some stage in their life-cycles (Jones et al 2011). As a lot is uncertain about the cryptomycota it is hard to include or exclude them from the kingdom fungi and it seems premature to dub them the most basal fungi .As James and Berbee suggest the loss of a chitinous cell wall may be a secondary adaptation to parasitism not indicatio n of a basal fungi (2012). Almost anything could be found and much needs to be before they can be defined as true fungi such as observation of cell division and determination whether members of cryptomycota are phagotrophic or not. What is certain that if this phylum is included in the kingdom fungi , the definition for the whole group must change.

Religion in Africa- Explore how the Lemba cult of the Congo conforms Essay

Religion in Africa- Explore how the Lemba cult of the Congo conforms to the understanding of an ngoma-type cult of affliction - Essay Example Westwards, the rapids on the Zaire River required the trade to the coast to follow the routes on the land. For three centuries, all trade used the same inland routes. The Lemba controlled the trade on the north bank (Janzen, 1982). They kept the routes open and regulated the local markets (Janzen, 1982). In addition, they ensured that the rapid international trade did not destroy their local communities. The Lemba cult of the Congo conforms to the an ngoma type cult of affliction. By the mid-eighteenth century, a total of fifteen thousand slaves were shipped annually from the parts of Malemba, Cabinda and Loango (Janzen, 1982). The slaves were drawn from the inland societies which viewed trade as disruptive despite its economic advantages. The conflicts of interest between the social order and trade explain somewhat why the Lemba, a word meaning â€Å"to calm† (lembikisa) became associated with therapeutic affiliations- a â€Å"drum of affliction† (nkonko or ngoma) (Janzen, 1992). The Lemba’s illnesses are described in a variety of ways. For example, possession by Lemba’s ancestors, which is common in the drums as a mode of affliction to any illness affecting the heart, head, sides and abdomen, that is, the vital organs ofa human body, a typicalmiraculous recovery from a deadly illness, typical witchcraft symptoms and difficulty in breathing to mention but a few (Akombo, 2003). The erratic list of Lemba symptoms, however, tells little about it than it does the identification of the individuals who were afflicted in the Lemba community (Awanbor, 1982). Normally, it was the religion’s elite, chiefs, prominent healers, judges and especially the individuals engaged in mercantile work (Comaroff & Comaroff, 1993). The ability of such persons to harness success in commerce, as wellas their aspiration to wealth, is what made them vulnerable to the envy and evil thoughts by their kinsmen and thus in some sense marginal in the society and

How do you view the unification of women on campus, and how would you Essay

How do you view the unification of women on campus, and how would you improve it - Essay Example Hence, it is essential for women to come together on campus and address the issues that are affecting them both in the school and the outside world. This paper will assess the issue of women coming together on campus, illustrating its benefits and ways of improving this unification. As mentioned above, the unification of women on campus is a positive event for many reasons. Firstly, it enables the preparation of young women for life after college. When women come together they should use this opportunity to teach the younger girls about their rights and empower them to stand up for themselves. Women would not have the opportunity to learn about such situations in detail and unification enables this educational procedure to occur. Unification of women is also a supporting mechanism for women as they are able to encourage each other in a world that places them at an unjustified disadvantage (Boswell, n.p). Unification on campus also trains women to be more expressive. The voice of a group of people is much louder than that of an individual; hence the women can work together towards achieving a common goal. Unification is also good in the sense that it enables the women at the college to form stronger ties with one another, and create both friendships and professi onal connections which will help them in the future. Unification of women is also good from the sense that it enables them to strategize and create new ideas that improve their lives in college and beyond. The more women that are present, the higher the chances that more problems facing women will be vocalized and therefore rectified. In addition, when working together the strategies being implemented to improve certain issues have a higher level of success (Boswell, n.p). I feel unification of women can be improved by formalizing the unions that are created by women on campus. This will give a better